Over the past few days, Mas’ud Pezeshkian as the lone reformist candidate among the presidential hopefuls has understandably been overshadowing his principlist rivals in the Iranian media. That is because he has unexpectedly raised hope among reformists that they will be allowed back into Iran’s political firmament—a hope that was approaching extinction before Ebrahim Ra’isi’s sudden death. That would represent a seismic shift, however, meaning the Nezam would have to abandon the project of political “purification” whereby hardliners were increasingly concentrating political power in their own hands. Such a turn, if it came to pass despite the supreme leader’s aversion, could have far-reaching implications for both domestic and international policy.
For starters, the Nezam’s acceptance of a Pezeshkian presidency would signal a different approach to women and matters of importance to them. Economist and political commentator Sa’id Leilaz considers Pezeshkian’s approval by the Guardian Council to be the Nezam’s response to the Woman, Life, Freedom movement of 2022. Pezeshkian has subtly incorporated echoes of that movement in his campaign messages and slogans. For instance, in one of his campaign tweets he placed the image of a woman above the hashtag #for_Iran, recalling Shervin Hajipur’s Grammy-winning anthem “For ….” He and those close to him have also adopted the slogan “Life, Development, Well-Being” to characterize the aspirations of his campaign. A number of reformist luminaries have flocked to the candidate’s side and offered their endorsements, including Mohammad-Javad Zarif, Mohsen Hashemi-Rafsanjani, and Mostafa Kavakebian.
Prominent reformist women are feeling hopeful that a Pezeshkian presidency can reverse the backsliding on women’s issues that began with the growing power of the hardliners in both the executive and legislative branches. Ma’sumeh Ebtekar, who was active in the Khatami and Rouhani administrations, would like to see the growth of “justice between the sexes” and an end to discrimination, including the advancement of legislation to protect women’s rights in marriage and prohibit the use of coercion and violence in the enforcement of hijab. Her colleague Shahindokh Mowlaverdi tempers her expectations, given the current state of affairs, but hopes nonetheless that the candidates will address the need for women’s empowerment in their upcoming debates. Former MP Fatemeh Rake’i, who has joined the Pezeshkian campaign as director of outreach to women, believes the candidate can reignite reformist passions, especially in women’s issues. She has been surprised by the positive response to the campaign among women and youth. The Western-educated Zahra Nejadbahram, a women’s rights activist and former member of the Tehran City Council, would like to see Pezeshkian advocate for the legislation to prevent violence against women that has been lingering in the Majles for several years. Both she and others point to women’s vulnerabilities in such areas as poverty, addiction, and unemployment. As for the icon of the reformist movement, former president Mohammad Khatami, Pezeshkian seems to have received his tacit endorsement. Khatami greeted his former minister of health warmly at the memorial service for a mutual colleague.
The journalist Ahmad Zeidabadi is not sure why Pezeshkian was approved by the Guardian Council. If it was a genuine desire for change, he thinks it could open the way to a more hopeful future. Otherwise, if it was merely a cynical attempt at encouraging voter turnout, Zeidabadi does not see much hope. Like many others, he was not terribly impressed by Pezeshkian’s first televised appearance since the campaign began. The conservative news outlet Mehr suggests the candidate is under pressure from the “radical” wing of the reformist movement to do more than he is capable of and behave like an “opposition” figure. Kayhan editor-in-chief Hosein Shari’atmadari, who apparently cannot bear the thought of a Khatami associate occupying the presidential office, was eager to discount his chances with voters. Shari’atmadari believes Pezeshkian, and reformists in general, have no appeal among the electorate. Reformist former MP Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh believes Pezeshkian’s principlists rivals will come together in a division of labor to bring down his candidacy and IRIB will play its part by giving unequal time to the non-reformist candidates. He believes one of the principlist candidates will be designated the attack dog to go after Pezeshkian. Tehran Mayor Alireza Zakani would be perfectly suited to that role.